On the 1st of December, Moldova woke up with the results of the parliamentary elections that would decide the direction that this small landlocked country would have taken. Bordering a European Union member state (Romania) and Ukraine, Moldova faces a similar challenge as their Eastern Partnership neighbours: keeping their ties with Russia, or pushing towards Europe?
Arrived in Chișinău, one could easily guess that there was something very relevant going on in the city. Giant panels with propaganda for the Moldovan parliamentary elections were spread all over the Stephen the Great’s boulevard, the main alley in the city. Some of them proudly showed the European Union (EU) flag and highlighted the European values and aspirations that Moldova aims to reach. Others, instead, voiced a strong anti-EU message – or, better said, a rather ‘pro-Russian’ message: “It’s better to be rich with Russia than to be poor in an indebted Europe!”, one could read on the panels from the Communist Party. Even Vladimir Putin’s face appeared in one of the panels: the Socialist Party showcased a picture of its leaders having a friendly talk with the Russian president.
It was clear from the start that Moldovan citizens had to make an important decision on November 30th. Since 2009, when the pro-European coalition entered in the government, the small country has been taking progressive steps to strive for a bigger commitment towards the EU and to meet the European standards. The country entered the Eastern Partnership and became what many consider its “star pupil”, as the magazine New Eastern Europe quoted. Its ties with Russia, though, are still strong and some feared that the contagion of the Ukrainian crisis could hit Moldova hard – in fact, its main exports, especially Moldovan wine, have been strongly affected by Russian bans for long.
In this context, it is relevant to highlight one of the main happenings before the Moldovan elections. Just 72 hours before the kick-off of the election day, the pro-Russian party Patria (‘Homeland’) was banned from taking part in the elections after being accused of receiving funds from Russia. The party was expected to get around 13% of the total votes, so this wasn’t minor news – partly, because of the secrecy in which the Moldovan Justice Court had acted, as several experts acknowledged. Some feared that this would provoke a civil unrest similar to the Ukrainian EuroMaidan but from the Russian side, and five people were even arrested the day before the elections, suspected of planning violent protests after the elections.
AEGEE-Europe observes on the spot
Twenty-two AEGEEans were deployed throughout the Moldovan capital, Chișinău, on the election day. From the early morning, when the polls were opened, until the end of the counting session, around 55 polling stations were visited. There was the general consensus among the observers that there had not been any major irregularities throughout the day, and that polling stations were generally well-equipped and organised.
However, the breakdown of the electronic voter registration system early in the morning was one of the highlights of the day. Long queues and overcrowding of the polling stations made it difficult at times to observe the procedure, and sometimes voters themselves were disoriented on which was the exact procedure in order to vote.
The long day was culminated by the counting process. One of the most striking things was the presence of several observers in the polling stations. From domestic observers, many of them representing several of the Moldovan political parties, but also civil society organisations, to international observers whom some of us could talk to.
Nonetheless, these national observers from political parties played an influential role during the counting process, sometimes obstructing it, arguing with the members of the polling station, and giving their opinion on the validity of votes (when, according to the election observers code of conduct, observers cannot have an active role, neither obstruct the overall election process) and acting rather coercively at times. As a matter of fact, many of the voters of the banned party ‘Patria’ did anyway cast their vote for them, so the number of invalid votes in several polling stations was remarkably high.
And now, which direction will Moldova take?
After the counting at the polling stations finished, some observers headed to the Moldovan Central Election Commission, where the first results were announced – and they were quite unexpected. “The Socialists have won”, one of the Moldovan journalists told us right when we got inside. Indeed, the Liberal Democrat Party of Moldova, the leader of the pro-European coalition in power, paid the price of being in the government for the past five years, and lost nine seats in Parliament.
Despite that, the final results showed that the three parties that formed the Alliance for European Integration kept the majority, winning 53 seats out of 101. The opposition got a close result of 48 seats – 26 for the Socialists, and 22 for the Communists, even though they refuse to cooperate and make a strong opposition together.
While the negotiations to form a new government are ongoing, these results might give wings to those who hope for stronger ties between Moldova and the European Union. However, one cannot elude the fact that a party which claimed it would be “better being with Russia” and which proudly showcased Putin’s face in their posters has actually won the elections. Throughout the past five years, the pro-EU coalition government in Moldova has been rather fragile and feared a breakdown several times, even though the aspirations of Moldova in Europe are pretty clear.
After the elections, the question is still unanswered – which direction is Moldova taking?
Written by Anna Gumbau, AEGEE-Barcelona & Election Observation Project